|
|
 |
 |
| |
 Printable version |
Urban rice growing assets and prospects in Antananarivo (Madagascar) |
Cahiers Agricultures. Volume 13, Number 1, 99-109, Janvier-Février 2004 - L’alimentation des villes, Étude originale
|
 Résumé
Article gratuit
|
Author(s) : Marie‐Hélène Dabat, Simon Razafimandimby, Boris Bouteau |
Summary : Grown in Madagascar for centuries, rice is firmly rooted in the Malagasy culture and in people‘s social relations. It has been the foundation of the power of the Merina kingdom and its rulers, who built the region‘s water control infrastructures. Rice is the island‘s first production, with a yearly paddy production of 2.5 million tons, followed by cassava and corn. Rice culture represents 12% of the national GDP and 43% of the agricultural GDP. Ten (out of 15) millions of people are involved in rice production and marketing. Rice sector performances represent important stakes for the country‘s food security and fight against poverty. However, rice yield is stagnating to a very low level, 2t per hectare, and population increases more rapidly than production, respectively +2.8% and +1.2% per year over the last 30 years. Neither the State‘s supervision of the rice sector‘s organization and running in order to protect consumers nor the liberalization of the sector under structural adjustment aiming at encouraging farmers have succeeded to increase rice offer on the market. In both cases the sanction was unprecedented importation increases. Poor integration of farmers in the market, their geographical isolation, as well as the oligopolitical situation of the sectors‘ supporting party, have precluded increases of the price of rice in rural areas. The inverse situation has occurred in urban areas, as illustrated by the supplying of Antananarivo. Rice market in Madagascar is small : around 700,000 t,
i.e. a third of the island‘s consumption. Given the importance of the country‘s auto‐consumption and size, Antananarivo is the largest Malagasy market of rice and other staple goods. Supplying Antananarivo plays a strategic role in the country‘s resources management and resources allocation. This market represents 174,000 t of rice per year, 109,000 t in strictly urban areas and 65,000 t in suburban areas. Supplies for Antananarivo are mainly imported, from China and Pakistan, but also from the Alaotra Lake and the suburban production. 13.8% of the consumed quantities of rice in Antananarivo, that is 24,000 t, do not transit through the market, but are from suburban or close rural areas, namely from sharecroppers or family donations. The local overproduction supplying the market is marginal although it may go up to 15,000 t during successful years and adds itself to the production sold by producing households in Antananarivo, who buy rice at local markets during the hungry season. Thus, local production can sometimes meet up to 33% of the needs of Antananarivo and the surrounding communities. The liberalization of the rice sector has entailed a deep restructuring of the sector‘s supporting party, which particularly occurs near urban markets such as Antananarivo, and characterized by the weakening of some operators and the appearance or the reinforcement of new actors and sub‐sectors profiting from the development of more competitive markets. Traditional marketing network managed from one end to another by important rice traders has weakened, compared to the development of new marketing networks and the wealth accumulation centres. In these sectors stimulated by the capital‘s market, operators are numerous, small or specialized, and work for their own account through individual strategies and relationships, and by keeping themselves informed of the market status in order to limit costs and adjust sales price. Our study demonstrates that rice consumption in Antananarivo varies according to its price. Price fluctuations are essentially due to harvest periodicity and to the speculative character of some actors. The market is well supplied during the harvests and collects period extending from April to August in several producing areas, such as the Highlands and Alaotra Lake. December is also a month of abundance \; it corresponds with the first season harvest and the reduction in stocks by several operators since market prices in Antananarivo begin to be more attractive. March, during which hunger period is very hard and stocks are very low before the beginning of first harvests, is the most critical phase. Almost half of the imported rice intended for the Capital is sold during February‐March‐April. According to the price comparison of the main national rice types competing in the market of Antananarivo, the sector‘s competitiveness depends mainly on the product‘s retail prices, the distance between the rice fields and the market places, and the harvests seasonality and the product‘s quality. Suburban rice culture in Antananarivo is highly competitive. The irrigated plain of Betsimitatatra, where the majority of the Capital‘s first season
(vary aloha) rice is produced, profits from water control and higher yields compared to the malagasy average, shows a high competitiveness for the
vary aloha of the
plain of
Betsimitatra. Such paddy harvested before the rainy seasons, purchased from farmers at high prices, husked locally and resold at higher prices during hungry season without any other cost than the cost of drying of the paddy, leaves substantial revenue to various actors of the suburban sector and competes with the
makalioka from large rice fields of the Alaotra Lake, which is sold during the same period. However, the
makalioka, with better quality, can covet high prices in the market. On the contrary, suburban rice loses its competitive advantage compared to the rice mainly imported by important rice traders, which is available throughout the year at low prices, given the international rate and the inefficiency of the custom controls (about half of the imported rice flow does not pay import taxes). However, simulating a more strict application of import taxes should make the second season product in Antananarivo more price‐competitive. However, imported rice, with easy acquisition and non‐traditional but better quality, and ready for consumption, can be preferred by Malagasy consumers if the price difference is not more significant. However suburban rice culture has two major constraints threatening its operation that can hamper its blossoming, i.e. embanking of rice fields to allow the city extension, and low quality of marketed rice. Urban and industrial development competes seriously with the territorial hold of rice fields. Rice field embanking for building constructions limit directly the agricultural field. Besides, the increase of informal housing and the industrial multiplication, some of which are highly polluting, increases industrial dumping and urban wastes into the water, namely into agricultural water, and deteriorates health conditions and the quality of cultivated rice. Suburban rice also suffers from consumers‘ underrating compared to intermediate quality rice thanks to the improvement of the city inhabitants‘ purchasing power. The plain of Antananarivo produces ordinary rice that cannot compare with imported rice in terms of healthiness, soaking capacity at cooking and presentation \; although the national preference often falls on local products, which are equally available and priced. Suburban rice sector maintenance and development depend largely on compliance to strict customs regulations, as well as that of the area intended for agriculture under the development plans of the city of Antananarivo and the improvement of the quality of products to be proposed to consumers. Despite their economical performance, suburban rice culture sectors cannot meet the needs of the Antananarivo inhabitants for large quantities. Other local or international sources of supply remain indispensable for Madagascar in addition to their contribution in supplying the Capital. |
Keywords : Farming Systems\; Vegetal Productions\; Economy and Rural Development. |
|
